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Reporters sans frontières publie un rapport sur la presse à Cuba

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Plus qu’un rapport, il s’agit d’une enquête réalisée par Benoit Hervieu sur l’état de la presse indépendante à Cuba, trois ans après la vague de répression du 18 mars 2003. RSF n’ayant pas obtenu l’autorisation de se rendre à Cuba, son représentant pour l’Amérique basé à Paris, a du se contenter d’une enquête téléphonique. Malgré cette limite, il brosse un tableau intéressant et très complet de l’état de la presse indépendante à Cuba, et de ses faibles moyens humains et matériels.

Extraits du rapport de RSF sur la presse indépendante à Cuba

Le 18 mars 2003, une vague de répression sans précédent s’abat sur la dissidence cubaine. Pendant trois jours, quatre-vingt dix opposants sont arrêtés sous prétexte d’être des « agents de l’ennemi américain ». Parmi eux figurent vingt-sept journalistes. Tous ou presque tombent sous le coup de la « loi 88 » de février 1999 qui protège « l’indépendance nationale et l’économie de Cuba » et écopent de peines comprises entre 14 et 27 ans de prison. Ce printemps noir porte un coup très dur à la presse indépendante, qui avait commencé à émerger dans l’île au tournant des années 90 avec la création de petites agences d’information. Les fondateurs et directeurs de ces dernières étant incarcérés, nombre de journalistes préfèrent renoncer à leur métier ou choisir la voie de l’exil. Le journalisme indépendant à Cuba est-il mort ce jour-là ? Trois ans après la vague de répression, Reporters sans frontières a voulu dresser un nouvel état des lieux. Faute de pouvoir se rendre sur place, l’organisation a contacté des journalistes encore présents sur l’île ou exilés, membres d’une agence ou indépendants, des familles de dissidents incarcérés et des médias – sites Internet, radios ou revues -, basés pour la plupart à Miami (deuxième ville cubaine du monde avec près de 3 millions de ressortissants), Puerto Rico et Madrid. Si le nombre exact de journalistes en activité à Cuba est difficile à établir aujourd’hui, et si leurs conditions de travail sont encore plus précaires, à l’aune d’une autre vague de répression qui traverse actuellement le pays, la presse non officielle cubaine n’a pas désarmé. Elle constitue même la première source d’information concernant la situation des droits de l’homme sur l’île. Néanmoins, sa clandestinité la condamne à être une presse « de l’intérieur pour l’extérieur », quasi inaccessible à ceux dont elle parle pourtant au quotidien.

«De toute façon, les particuliers ne peuvent s’offrir
un ordinateur, rappelle utilement Armando
Betancourt, collaborateur indépendant de
Nueva Prensa Cubana résidant à Camagüey. Il
faut l’acheter pièce par pièce. Un moniteur
coûte 200 pesos convertibles, soit l’équivalent
en dollars. Un ordinateur complet vaut 600 dollars
et une caméra numérique, 300 dollars. Du
coup, je m’en fais prêter une. Quant aux imprimantes,
elles sont interdites à la vente.» Pour
Jaime Leygonier, ancien prisonnier politique et
collaborateur indépendant de Cubanet : «cette
absence de moyens de transmission pose aussi
le problème de la dépendance, de plus en plus
grande, vis-à-vis des supports extérieurs,
notamment de Miami. Leur demande est forte,
surtout en ce qui concerne l’information relative
à la situation des droits de l’homme. Nous
devons rendre notre copie plus vite et nous
n’avons plus aucun moyen de contrôler notre
propre travail.»

Qui sont les journalistes de l’île, et combien
sont-ils ? «Pas moins de cent»,
assure Elizardo Sánchez qui
prend en compte «treize agences,
dont huit ou neuf nées
après la vague de répression,
mais inégalement actives en raison
de la censure d’Internet». Un
journaliste dissident évoque la participation à
une Conférence sur la transition démocratique,
le 23 février 2006 à La Havane, de «80 confrères
indépendants». Fondateur du Grupo de Trabajo
Decoro en 1997, Manuel Vázquez Portal, en exil
depuis mai 2005 à Miami, se veut beaucoup
plus prudent : «Le printemps noir de 2003 a
découragé du monde. J’estime à une quarantaine
ceux qui continuent vraiment à travailler.
Les autres ont renoncé ou ont préféré s’exiler.»
Quarante journalistes, c’est aussi l’estimation
de Rosa Berre, vice-présidente de Cubanet, l’un
des principaux relais extérieurs de la dissidence
créé en 1994 à Miami

Un nouveau printemps noir ?

Et de fait, la répression a repris avec la lutte
anticorruption que le gouvernement entend
conduire et la presse indépendante est à nouveau
en première ligne. Pour elle, le couperet du
régime s’est même fait sentir avant le mois de
novembre. D’abord, Cuba a continué de tenir
son rang de deuxième prison du monde pour
les journalistes en ajoutant, au cours de l’année
2005, quatre nouveaux noms à
la liste des vingt détenus depuis
le printemps noir. Comme Oscar
Mario González Pérez, Roberto
de Jésus Guerra Pérez, collaborateur
des sites Nueva Prensa
Cubana, Payolibre et Radio Martí,
est incarcéré sans jugement et sans charges
précises par la Sécurité de l’Etat depuis le 13
juillet 2005, et à la merci d’une condamnation à
20 de prison pour «atteinte à l’indépendance
nationale et à l’économie de Cuba».

Rares sont les journalistes dans le monde à ne
pouvoir travailler pour leur propre public et à
produire une information accessible seulement
à l’extérieur. La presse indépendante de l’île
fonctionnera pourtant ainsi, tant que durera un
pouvoir réfractaire au pluralisme d’opinions.
Forçats de la correspondance, les journalistes
cubains doivent endurer le soupçon d’être des
«agents de l’étranger» que leur accole un gouvernement
qui les a pourtant placés dans cette
situation.
Benoît Hervieu

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After 40 Years of Working, Keeping Body and Soul Together Selling Plastic Bags

Selling ‘jabitas’ (plastic bags) in front of an agricultural market in Havana. (Luz Escobar) 14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 28 August 2014 – “I need some dark glasses,” Veronica told me one day when I ran into her on the street. Almost seventy, the lady underwent cataract surgery some months ago and now must “take care of my eyes,” as she explained to me. She works in the sun selling jabitas (plastic bags) to the customers of the farmers market on Tulipan Street.

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Selling 'jabitas' (plastic bags) in front of an agricultural market in Havana. (Luz Escobar)
Selling ‘jabitas’ (plastic bags) in front of an agricultural market in Havana. (Luz Escobar)

14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 28 August 2014 – “I need some dark glasses,” Veronica told me one day when I ran into her on the street. Almost seventy, the lady underwent cataract surgery some months ago and now must “take care of my eyes,” as she explained to me. She works in the sun selling jabitas (plastic bags) to the customers of the farmers market on Tulipan Street. The harsh midday glare is hard on her eyesight, but that’s not the worst of her problems. “We have an alarm system to know when the police are coming, although sometimes they’re in plainclothes and catch us by surprise.” Last month she paid a 1,500 Cuban peso fine (roughly $60 US) for engaging in illegal sales, and this week she received a warning letter for recidivism for the same offense.

If you read articles like Randy Alonso’s about the absence of bags in the hard currency stores, you might come to believe this resource is being diverted into the hands of unscrupulous traders. However, it’s enough to simply know Veronica to understand that her business is one more of misery than of profit. For the four decades she worked as a cleaning assistant in a school, the lady now receives a pension that doesn’t exceed ten dollars a month. Without the resale of the plastic bags, she would have to beg, but she asserts that she “would die before asking for money in the streets.” She is not to blame, rather she is a victim of the circumstances that have pushed her into an illegal activity to survive.

Having to carry purchases in one’s hands in the absence of bags is something that annoys any buyer. But realizing that Randy Alonzo, one of the great spokesmen of the current system, doesn’t know the human dramas that lead to the diversion of plastic bags, is even more irritating. It’s not about callous people who are dedicated to enriching themselves through the fruits of State embezzlement, but rather citizens whose economic poverty leads them to resell whatever product comes into their hands. Right now Veronica is outside some business, wearing the old dark glasses they gave her, muttering “I have jabitas, I have jabitas, one peso each.”

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Cuba’s Official Press: Triumphalism, Blacklisting and Censorship

News kiosk (Luz Escobar) 14YMEDIO, Havana, Yoani Sanchez, 22 August 2014 – The phone rings and it’s a friend who works for a government publication. She’s content because she’s published an article that attacks bureaucracy and corruption. The young woman finished college two years ago and has been working in a digital medium that deals with cultural and social issues. She has the illusions of a recent graduate, and she believes she can do objective journalism, close to reality, and help to improve her country

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News kiosk (Luz Escobar)
News kiosk (Luz Escobar)

14YMEDIO, Havana, Yoani Sanchez, 22 August 2014 – The phone rings and it’s a friend who works for a government publication. She’s content because she’s published an article that attacks bureaucracy and corruption. The young woman finished college two years ago and has been working in a digital medium that deals with cultural and social issues. She has the illusions of a recent graduate, and she believes she can do objective journalism, close to reality, and help to improve her country.

My friend has had some luck, because she exercises this profession at a time when the national media is trying to more closely reflect the problems of our society. The official journalist exists in a timid Glasnost, 25 years after a similar process in the Soviet Union. If that attempt at “information transparency” was promoted through Perestroika, on the Island it’s been pushed by the Sixth Communist Party Congress Guidelines. In this way, a more objective and less triumphalist press is pushed–from above. The same power that helped create laudatory newspapers, now urges a shift from applause to criticism. But it’s not easy.

The original sin of the official press is not the press, but propaganda. It emerged to sustain the ideological political-economic model and it can’t shed that genesis. The first steps in the creation of the current national media always includes an act of faith in the Revolution, It is also funded entirely by the Government, which further affects its editorial line. It’s worth noting that the official media is not profitable, that is, it doesn’t generate income or even support its print runs or transmissions. Hence, it operates with subsidies taken from the national coffers. All Cubans sustain the newspapers Granma and Juventude Rebelde (Rebel Youth), the Cubavision channel or Radio Reloj (Clock Radio)… whether we like it or not.

Moreover, the official press is structured so that nothing can escape to the front page of the newspapers or to the TV and radio microphones that hasn’t been previously inspected. They are characterized by their strict elements of supervision.

Architecture of Control

My friend is facing at least four strong mechanisms of censorship she must deal with every day and which she rarely manages to successfully evade. Cuba has come to have one of the most sophisticated methods of monitoring information anywhere in the world. At the highest point of this architecture of control is the Department of Revolutionary Orientation (DOR), an entity belonging to the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party. A group of people–designated for their ideological loyalty–analyze all the journalistic content published in the country, and, from these observations, follows certain topics and authors.

The DOR is also responsible for drawing up the so-called “thematic plan” in which it programs the issues the Cuban press will address in a specified time period, and with what intensity it will do so. Right now, for example, just looking at national television we can see that there is a marked intention to speak optimistically about the Port of Mariel, foreign tourism and agricultural production.

Not only political issues or international relations pass through that filter. Control is also exerted over the music broadcast on radio stations and the music videos, soap operas, and science programs aired on television. The so-called black lists of singers or banned authors in the national media come entirely from the DOR. This so painful and prolonged phenomenon has been losing ground in recent years, more from social pressures than because of a sincere process of self-criticism among the censors.

The heads of the press organs must meet regularly with “the comrades from the DOR” to ensure that the plan of topics decided from above is carried out. But the influence of this entity does not end there. The directors of the newspapers and the heads of specific pages or specialized pages will only be appointed with the consent of this department, which in many cases is the person who placed them in their positions. This extends to the national and provincial organs, the municipal radio stations and the specialized magazines. The Journalism School at the University of Havana also receives direct attention from the Department of Revolutionary Orientation, which controls its curriculum and involves itself in the process of choosing new students. Nothing moves in the Cuban press without this watchtower of censorship knowing about it.

Promote the positive results

Another control mechanism that grips the official press is that imposed by the institutions and ministries. From the departments overseeing these entities, journalists are encouraged to promote the sectors they cover. Only with the authorization of these State organs, can the reporters access offices, files, review meetings, press conferences, the interior of a factory, or a cultural center or school.

This second control filter placed on institutions gives birth to a kind of journalism that has done a great deal of harm to Cuban society. One full of triumphalism, inflated figures, and “everything is perfect.” This pseudo-information has been so abused that popular humor is full of jokes about it. Like the one about when the news comes on and people put a bag under the TV to collect the food that appears in the reports, but that never show up in reality. This practice fosters opportunism, as well as making reporters think, “I’d better not get in trouble, if it’s good for me here.” There are sectors that are very attractive to cover, like tourism, because they include gifts, invitations, eating in hotel restaurants, and even all-expense-paid weekends at resorts.

Surveillance in the hallways

The third control mechanism makes people afraid to even say its name. The role of the Ministry of the Interior in every press organ. Every newspaper, radio station, TV channel or provincial newspaper has one or several people who are responsible for “seeing to” the security of the center. This department is responsible for investigating the extra-professional activities of every reporter, photographer or graphic designer. To spy on what they say in the hallways, supervise the questions they ask in interviews–particularly if it involves a foreigner–and whether they have contacts in the opposition or among independent journalists.

The more sophisticated control mechanism

If my friend makes it past those three control mechanism without deleting a line or one of her works being prohibited, she will still face the most efficient and sophisticated of all. It’s euphemistically called self-censorship and is nothing more than the result of pressure exercised over the communicator by the instruments of control and punishment.

Self-censorship acts as a psychological barrier and is expressed in the omissions that each journalist makes to stay on safe ground and not get too close to the allowed limit. However, the victim of self-censorship doesn’t always see it like this, rather she justifies her attitude. For a communicator from the official press who believes in the system, it’s an act of political militancy, a question of faith. So she remains silent about certain topics, to “not give arms to the enemy,” or because they’ve made her believe that “only they can offer constructive criticism.” Journalists come to think that if they question the immigration policy, the single-party system, and the political intolerance in the country, they will be doing more harm than good.

The professional who accepts and successfully passes through these four censorship and control filters and can call themselves an editor, a composer of sentences, a typist, a propagandist… but never a journalist.

Maybe one day my young friend will call me, not to tell me that she has managed to sneak a text into an official media, but to tell me that she’s decided to become an independent journalist. She will take on new challenges and problems, but be much freer.

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A Caricature of a Cuban Woman

Woman drinking (14ymedio) 14yMEDIO, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 22 August 2014 — A woman on national television said that her husband “helps” her with some household chores. To many, the phrase may sound like the highest aspiration of every woman. Another lady asserts that her husband behaves like a “Federated man,” an allusion to the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), which today is celebrating its 54th anniversary. As for me, on this side of the screen, I feel sorry for them in the face of such meekness

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Woman drinking (14ymedio)

Woman drinking (14ymedio)

14yMEDIO, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 22 August 2014 — A woman on national television said that her husband “helps” her with some household chores. To many, the phrase may sound like the highest aspiration of every woman. Another lady asserts that her husband behaves like a “Federated man,” an allusion to the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), which today is celebrating its 54th anniversary. As for me, on this side of the screen, I feel sorry for them in the face of such meekness. Instead of the urgent demands they should mention, all I hear is this appreciation directed to a power as manly as it is deaf.

It’s not about “helping” to wash a plate or watch the kids, nor tiny illusory gender quotas that hide so much discrimination like a slap. The problem is that economic and political power remains mainly in masculine hands. What percentage of car owners are women? How many acres of land are owned or leased by women. How many Cuban ambassadors on missions abroad wear skirts? Can anyone recite the number of men who request paternity leave to take care of their newborns? How many young men are stopped by the police each day to warn them they can’t walk with a tourist? Who mostly attends the parent meetings at the schools?

Please, don’t try to “put us to sleep” with figures in the style of, “65 percent of our cadres and 50 percent of our grassroots leaders are women.” The only thing this statistic means is that more responsibility falls on our shoulders, which means neither a high decision-making level nor greater rights. At least such a triumphalist phrase clarifies that there are “grassroots leaders,” because we know that decisions at the highest level are made by men who grew up under the precepts that we women are beautiful ornaments to have at hand… always and as long as we keep our mouths shut.

I feel sorry for the docile and timid feminist movement that exists in my country. Ashamed for those ladies with their ridiculous necklaces and abundant makeup who appear in the official media to tell us that “the Cuban woman has been the greatest ally of the Revolution.” Words spoken at the same moment when a company director is sexually harassing his secretary, when a beaten woman can’t get a restraining order against her abusive husband, when a policeman tells the victim of a sexual assault, “Well, with that skirt you’re wearing…” and the government recruits shock troops for an act of repudiation against the Ladies in White.

Women are the sector of the population that has the most reason to shout their displeasure. Because half a century after the founding of the caricature of an organization that is the Federation of Cuban Women, we are neither more free, nor more powerful, nor even more independent.

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A Caricature of a Cuban Woman

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